“It is widely known that Stakeknife was Freddie Scappaticci.”
With that, Taoiseach Micheál Martin stood on the floor of the Dáil and tried to shatter the bell jar of silence that the British government had placed on the identity of the infamous M15 agent Stakeknife, through its inflexible doctrine of “neither confirm nor deny”.
Scappaticci, who acted as a spy for the British government within the IRA during the late 1970s and 1990s, was a terrorising presence in the brutal and frightening “nutting squad” – the Provisional IRA unit set up to find touts just like Scappaticci himself.
We now understand that the British government’s cherishment of what it saw as its intelligence “golden egg” created a perverse situation where Scappaticci was allowed to harm more than he ever could have helped – eventually being officially linked to at least 14 murders and 15 abductions.
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Martin described these as “grotesque and serious crimes committed for and with the Provisional IRA”.
Last year’s Kenova Report, the highly respected Police Service of Northern Ireland investigation into the alleged crimes of Stakeknife, revealed how some lives simply seemed to be more disposable to British intelligence than others. Right at the time when Scappaticci was wanted by the RUC for conspiracy to murder and false imprisonment, his British army handlers were taking him on holiday. Protecting Scappaticci’s identity became more important than protecting lives.
Despite the fact that Scappaticci’s name has been widely publicly known since his cover was blown in the media more than 20 years ago, the Kenova report itself was hamstrung by the fact it did not have permission from Whitehall to name him. The report describes Scappaticci as a “critical person of interest” but is forced to admit that it can’t confirm Stakeknife’s identity “because the [British] government has refused to authorise it to do so”.
These security restrictions were described as a source “of disappointment and regret for those involved with Kenova and these feelings will be shared by victims, families, and many in wider society”.
When there is no denying who Stakeknife is, why wouldn’t you confirm? Our story explains the significance of the Taoiseach doing so – an act that is already being reported in the UK as one that will pressure the British government to finally officially name the agent. The argument against “neither confirm nor deny” is that agents who break the law in such flagrant ways, with such impunity, no longer deserve such discretion.
In another piece, Mark Hennessy explains the significance of Martin’s speech – particularly to those in Northern Ireland – and how Martin’s words on the floor of the Dáil only strengthen the case for the same ones to be uttered on the floor of the House of Commons.
Secretary general sought at not-a-Watt salary
Jack Horgan-Jones and Martin Wall have an interesting scoop about how the Department of Health is looking for a new secretary general. Before you all rush to apply, you should note that the top line of the story reveals that the lucky candidate will not enjoy the same salary that had been paid to incumbent Robert Watt – €297,000 in 2022. (The story notes “that is likely to have increased further given general pay rises since then across the public service.”)
You may recall this salary was the source of some controversy, after it emerged that Watt’s pay at the Department of Health was €81,000 higher than the €211,000 he had earned as secretary general of the Department of Public Expenditure. A report by combined Oireachtas committees found the matter of setting his salary level was conducted in an “ad hoc” manner.
The agreed salary for Watt’s successor is a marginally more humble €280,000 per year – still the highest grade payable to a secretary general.
Watt’s term expires in April, and, as the story reports, “several Government sources said their expectation was that Watt is now likely to move on from the role. One senior figure pointed to the fact that the Cabinet decision was to run an open competition rather than for an extension to his term.”
Tenancies Bill passed – but beware rising rents
The new tenancies Bill was passed last night, paving the way for new rules on rent pressure zones to come into effect by the Government’s planned date of March 1st.
This is one of the landmark housing policies pursued by the Government and in effect is designed to incentivise investment in housing – in particular apartments – by allowing landlords to reset rents to market rates in between tenancies. But there should be no change for existing tenancies.
The same legislation also includes far greater protections for long-term renters in terms of security of tenure, by setting a minimum duration of six years for new tenancies.
Sarah Burns is reporting that the Residential Tenancies Bill 2026 was passed by 80 votes to 70. Government-supporting Independent TD Danny-Healy Rae voted against the Coalition.
Gillian Toole, an Independent TD also supporting the Government, abstained during the vote at second stage, but was not present in the chamber for the final vote or subsequent roll call vote that was called for by Sinn Féin.
For this law to work, rents will have to rise. The Government will be bracing for the personal stories of people entering new tenancies at potentially even more eye-watering rates of rent from as soon as next month. Trainee doctors and those forced to move for reasons outside of their control will likely be among some of the cases you’ll be reading and hearing about on the news.
Within the Government, the desperate hope will be that the end goal – increased supply of housing – will justify the painful means by which it has decided to try to get there.
Best Reads
Any plans for the weekend? (Today is my Friday!) A trip to a magnificent castle in Flanders, perhaps? Miriam Lord is writing about how the Taoiseach is off on an “informal retreat” in Belgium today with his fellow European leaders. “Will there also be yoga and mindfulness sessions at this retreat? Nature walks or even a zip wire in the delightful grounds of Alden Biesen Castle, a 16th-century moated pile in the Limburg region?”
Derek Scally has an interesting piece on the big transatlantic break-up that tells us European leaders are contemplating a future without the “wrecking ball” politics of America. He’s using the Munich Security Conference, which is being held today, as an opportunity to look back on a now-infamous speech that JD Vance gave at the same event last year.
There is some very unedifying work being done by journalists all over the world who keep talking to AI models as if they are real, sentient beings. So a piece in today’s paper by Stuart Mathieson, a research manager with InterTradeIreland, is a refreshingly intelligent analysis on the question posed by Alan Turing in 1950: “can machines think?”
The latest Inside Politics episode, which is available now, is an interesting interrogation of how and why Irish politics has shifted to the left.
Playbook
Dáil
8:47 Parliamentary Questions: Oral — Minister for Public Expenditure, Infrastructure, Public Service Reform and Digitalisation
10:24 Parliamentary Questions: Oral — Minister for Education and Youth
12:00 Leaders’ Questions (Sinn Féin, Labour Party, Social Democrats, Independent Technical Group)
12:34 Other Members’ Questions
12:42 Questions on Policy or Legislation
13:12 Bills for Introduction
– Social Housing Passport Bill 2026 — First Stage
– Universal Access to Social Housing (Abolition of Income Limits) Bill 2026 — First Stage
13:22 SOS
14:02 Government Business: International Protection Bill 2026 — Second stage (resumed)
17:36 Topical Issues
18:36 Quality in Public Procurement (Contract Preparation and Award Criteria) Bill 2021 — Second Stage
20:36 Dáil adjourns
Seanad
9:30 Commencement Matters
10:30 Order of Business
11:15 Motion(s) without debate: Motion re the address to Seanad Éireann by MEPs representing the European Parliament South constituency
11:20 SOS
11:45 Government Business: Residential Tenancies (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2026 — Second Stage
13:45 Seanad adjourns
The committee schedule is here
